This paper examines the competition between the imperfective present tense forms and the analytically or synthetically marked forms of the future paradigm of Russian verbs among three different generations of Russian-German bilinguals. Using data from a forced choice test, it examines whether heritage speakers of Russian express a potentially stronger preference for the imperfective present tense to express future events (praesens pro futuro) – possibly due to cross-linguistic influence from German – compared to bilinguals who only moved to Germany as teenagers or adults. However, the results show no fundamental differences between the three groups studied, which in the majority of the contexts examined tend to prefer the analytically or synthetically marked future forms of verbs. This suggests a remarkable resilience of the relationship between verbal aspect and tense in Russian among different groups of bilingual speakers.