The Licensing Contexts of Polarity-Sensitive Adverb Sǐhuó (‘no matter what’): A Force-Dynamic Analysis

The distribution of weak NPI adverbs such as sǐhuó (‘desperately; no matter what’) in Mandarin cannot be fully explained by the existing hypotheses about the general licensing conditions of NPIs such as downward entailment. This article attempts to provide a unifying explanation for the licensing contexts of the weak NPI adverbs sǐhuó by applying the force-dynamic model. I propose that the lexical meaning of sǐhuó carries a conceptual structure that involves a confrontation between two volitional forces at a physical or psychological/conceptual level. This analysis successfully explains why some verbs of implicit negation (such as jùjué ‘refuse’) can license sǐhuó while others cannot. It also explains why some affirmative predicates or apparently affirmative contexts can also license sǐhuó, because these predicates or contexts fulfill the semantic structure of force-confrontation. The force-dynamic analysis is also compatible with the historical development of the use of sǐhuó, which reflects a change from a physical interaction to a psychological or conceptual confrontation between two forces.