The point of departure for this chapter is three partially overlapping fields in contemporary Norwegian society, culture, and education. The fields portrayed are as follows: (i) cultural policymaking and implementation, (ii) terrorism and ways of overcoming its political consequences, and (iii) higher music education and research. These provide a basis for further theoretical reflection and discussion in terms of Bourdieusian and post-Bourdieusian concepts. While it seemed clear what was meant by high and low culture in the modern society examined by Pierre Bourdieu, the distinction has become far more blurred in recent decades. Regarding music, this situation has been described and conceptualized by multiple researchers, such as Richard Peterson, Simon Frith, Sarah Thornton, and Motti Regev. In the fields of politics and policies, the media and the public sphere, as well as academic and educational institutions, it is evident that changes have taken place in the systems of classification. Such shifts can be metaphorically compared to the phenomenon of gentrification as manifested in urban geography and city planning, where properties previously considered to be of low value come to be valued much more highly, both symbolically and materially. Transferred to the field of music, it is maintained that musical gentrification can be analogously seen as complex processes with both inclusionary and exclusionary outcomes, by which musics, musical practices, and cultures of relatively low status are made objects of acquisition by subjects who inhabit higher or more powerful positions. The chapter concludes by recounting how social and cultural distinctions nevertheless seem to find a way of resurfacing even in a relatively egalitarian society like that of Norway.

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Musical Gentrification in Late Modern Norway

  • Petter Dyndahl

摘要

The point of departure for this chapter is three partially overlapping fields in contemporary Norwegian society, culture, and education. The fields portrayed are as follows: (i) cultural policymaking and implementation, (ii) terrorism and ways of overcoming its political consequences, and (iii) higher music education and research. These provide a basis for further theoretical reflection and discussion in terms of Bourdieusian and post-Bourdieusian concepts. While it seemed clear what was meant by high and low culture in the modern society examined by Pierre Bourdieu, the distinction has become far more blurred in recent decades. Regarding music, this situation has been described and conceptualized by multiple researchers, such as Richard Peterson, Simon Frith, Sarah Thornton, and Motti Regev. In the fields of politics and policies, the media and the public sphere, as well as academic and educational institutions, it is evident that changes have taken place in the systems of classification. Such shifts can be metaphorically compared to the phenomenon of gentrification as manifested in urban geography and city planning, where properties previously considered to be of low value come to be valued much more highly, both symbolically and materially. Transferred to the field of music, it is maintained that musical gentrification can be analogously seen as complex processes with both inclusionary and exclusionary outcomes, by which musics, musical practices, and cultures of relatively low status are made objects of acquisition by subjects who inhabit higher or more powerful positions. The chapter concludes by recounting how social and cultural distinctions nevertheless seem to find a way of resurfacing even in a relatively egalitarian society like that of Norway.