This chapter deals with another interesting pattern of binding condition reconstruction in the parasitic gap (PG) construction. It is proposed that this pattern of reconstruction effects is best captured under a derivational mechanism of reconstruction that incorporates asymmetrical across-the-board (ATB) movement, following Abe’s (A movement theory of anaphora. De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin, 2014) movement theory of anaphora. In this mechanism, null operator movement can take place not only in the subordinate clause that includes a PG but also in the matrix clause of this construction. With this mechanism in place, the absence of reconstruction effects of Condition A is attributed to a weak crossover violation that occurs in applying multiple Search as a prerequisite of asymmetiral ATB-movement. It is also demonstrated that the proposed theory naturally accommodates similar patterns of reconstruction regarding Conditions A and C in wh-extraction out of coordination, on the assumption that this construction may also be analyzed as involving a PG construction-like structure. Finally, it is argued that the pattern of anaphor reconstruction observed in what seems like a PG construction in Japanese is properly dealt with on the assumption that this language has access to not only base-generated pro but also real PGs.

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Another Pattern of Reconstruction into Parasitic Gaps

  • Jun Abe

摘要

This chapter deals with another interesting pattern of binding condition reconstruction in the parasitic gap (PG) construction. It is proposed that this pattern of reconstruction effects is best captured under a derivational mechanism of reconstruction that incorporates asymmetrical across-the-board (ATB) movement, following Abe’s (A movement theory of anaphora. De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin, 2014) movement theory of anaphora. In this mechanism, null operator movement can take place not only in the subordinate clause that includes a PG but also in the matrix clause of this construction. With this mechanism in place, the absence of reconstruction effects of Condition A is attributed to a weak crossover violation that occurs in applying multiple Search as a prerequisite of asymmetiral ATB-movement. It is also demonstrated that the proposed theory naturally accommodates similar patterns of reconstruction regarding Conditions A and C in wh-extraction out of coordination, on the assumption that this construction may also be analyzed as involving a PG construction-like structure. Finally, it is argued that the pattern of anaphor reconstruction observed in what seems like a PG construction in Japanese is properly dealt with on the assumption that this language has access to not only base-generated pro but also real PGs.