The British Levant and East India traders established early institutional libraries at each major factory, with the chaplain as librarian. For the French, no such practice is evident; to some extent, the missionaries’ libraries at each location might be counted as the equivalent. For Constantinople, one can show that the early part of the factory library has a very strong Cambridge-Essex stamp, probably due to the patronage of some Cambridge-trained chaplains by Ambassador Thomas Bendysh: Davenantian Calvinism and sermons from about 1630 to 1650 reveal the influx of this orthodox strand of post-Dort Anglican theology, combined with a homiletic practice focused on the fears of the sinner’s soul and the Calvinist syllogismus practicus of a revealed doctrine of predestination. This section leads one to reflect on Weber’s thesis of the relationship between Protestant ascetic ethics and the origins of modern capitalism, but the books of the preachers should not be confused with the mental map of the merchants, nor with their preferred reading. A strong element of seventeenth-century Hebraism shows how Constantinople was linked to the scientific, religious, and ethnolinguistic discussions then and later in Cambridge and Oxford, as promoted by James Ussher, Laud, Pococke, Mede, Huntington, Thomas Smith, Edward Bernard, and others. The Aleppo library, closer in content to “Oxford” than to “Cambridge,” was the largest and theologically far more conservative: If not founded, then strongly shaped by Robert Frampton after 1655 and his successors as chaplains, Anglican episcopalism prevailed, with a good element of controversial theology that was fit to compete with Catholic scholasticism. Many of the Restoration chaplains in the Levant were future nonjurors, which also turns out to be a legacy of this Levantine “exile.” Smyrna, likewise, was closer to “Cambridge” and had an unexpected strength in natural philosophy and mathematics, perhaps due to the exchange with Isaac Barrow, who briefly resided in Smyrna. The libraries of the Catholic missionaries are not fully equivalent, since it was not the merchants or a company that sponsored them but the orders and partly Rome through the Congregation of Propaganda Fide, centralizing their control with the Guardian of the Holy Land. However, they served the merchant nations or lived in close contact with them. Unlike the Protestant factory libraries, their content was almost entirely religious-homiletic and devotional—with little emphasis on controversy. Their character was conservative, retaining a “frozen” Baroque form until the late eighteenth century. While there is no record of an early form of “institutional” library of the Compagnie des Indes in Pondichéry, quite a bit is known about the East India Company’s factory libraries (Surat, Bantam, Masulipatnam, Bombay, Hughly, later Calcutta). Some new aspects of the company’s cultural policy, which began around 1650 at the same time as in the Levant, can be shown. The Madras Library Catalogue of 1732, drawn up by Thomas Consett, recently arrived from a British trading company in Russia and marks a moment of disruption at the same time as the Halle Pietists had settled in Tranquebar in close collaboration with the British: This was now larger than any previous Levantine or Indian factory library, with large sections on all fields of knowledge, elements of early Enlightenment, and a special section of Slavonic titles.