This chapter aims to present the construction and application of the devices of violence developed by the Communist Party of Peru (PCP-SL), which was one of the most violent organisations of twentieth century Latin America and, of course, in the history of Peru. Responsible for more than half of the almost 70,000 officially reported deaths between 1980 and 1992, Shining Path always took into consideration the need to direct all efforts towards deploying a revolutionary process that would put an end to the oppressive elements that supported the Peruvian State. Through a continuous evocation of violence, this appears throughout the process of ideological modulation of the organisation, between 1964 and 1980, always inseparable from the figure of Abimael Guzmán, its maximum leader. On the other hand, it also adapts to the circumstances and coordinates of the armed confrontation (1980–1992), initially centred around the province of Ayacucho and ending, not without contradictions, in the capital city of Lima. To illustrate the argument offered, documentary sources are used, such as the report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2003) and writings by Guzmán himself, in addition to the use of some fifteen storeys obtained in interviews, hitherto unpublished, with former Shining Path militants. This was possible thanks to fieldwork carried out in the cities of Ayacucho, Huancavelica and Lima between 2015 and 2018.

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Peru. Communist Party of Peru—Shining Path

  • Jerónimo Ríos

摘要

This chapter aims to present the construction and application of the devices of violence developed by the Communist Party of Peru (PCP-SL), which was one of the most violent organisations of twentieth century Latin America and, of course, in the history of Peru. Responsible for more than half of the almost 70,000 officially reported deaths between 1980 and 1992, Shining Path always took into consideration the need to direct all efforts towards deploying a revolutionary process that would put an end to the oppressive elements that supported the Peruvian State. Through a continuous evocation of violence, this appears throughout the process of ideological modulation of the organisation, between 1964 and 1980, always inseparable from the figure of Abimael Guzmán, its maximum leader. On the other hand, it also adapts to the circumstances and coordinates of the armed confrontation (1980–1992), initially centred around the province of Ayacucho and ending, not without contradictions, in the capital city of Lima. To illustrate the argument offered, documentary sources are used, such as the report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2003) and writings by Guzmán himself, in addition to the use of some fifteen storeys obtained in interviews, hitherto unpublished, with former Shining Path militants. This was possible thanks to fieldwork carried out in the cities of Ayacucho, Huancavelica and Lima between 2015 and 2018.