In this chapter, I analyse TwitterTwitterdiscourseTwitter discourse surrounding the regulation of social mediasocial media in NigeriaNigeria. It follows the discussion in Chaps. 2 and 3 , which considered the policy and politics components of social media regulation. This chapter goes on to examine the response of social media users based on the opposition component of my methodology. The discussion here relates to the concept of the Nigerian Twittersphere and why Twitter (now X) was used as the tool of opposition in the first place, an area that research already addresses (see Obia, New Media & Society, 27(1), 151–167, 2025). This chapter moves the conversation forward by considering how Nigerian Twitter users opposed, through activist means, the regulation of social media in their strugglestruggle for digital freedomdigital freedom. Figures from 2021 show that Twitter users in Nigeria numbered up to 3 million people (Okpi, Forty million Twitter users in Nigeria? How pollster’s flawed figure became fact, 2021). I compare this with 2022 figures, which indicate that active social media users in Nigeria comprised 32.9 million people, (Sasu, Total number of active social media users in Nigeria from 2017 to 2022, 2022), with Twitter occupying fifth position—the most used platforms were WhatsApp, Facebook, Instagram, and Facebook Messenger in that order (Sasu, Most used social media platform in Nigeria as of the 3rd quarter of 2021, 2022). But Twitter plays an outsized role in political and activist discourses in Nigeria, especially in the pre-Musk era (Obia, New Media & Society, 27(1), 151–167, 2025). This informed my choice of Twitter as the platform through which to study the discourse of opposition to social media regulation in Nigeria. To do this, I draw from corpus linguistics and the sociocognitive approach to critical discourse analysis developed by van Dijk (Methods for critical discourse analysis (3rd ed., pp. 62–85). Sage, 2015) to argue that TwitterTwitter users performed opposition by deploying divisional (us-vs-them) frames, representing anyone viewed as sympathetic towards regulation through the lens of negative other-representation. This is contrasted with the positive self-representation of the hashtag users of themselves, and the chapter shows how these frames are deployed as part of the broader discourse of opposition and resistance. Hence, I analyse tweets posted under the #SayNoToSocialMediaBill corpus. The corpus is further divided into two sub-corpora: pre-EndSARS and post-EndSARS, underscoring how much of an influence #EndSARS#EndSARS had as a contextual communicative event. It underscores the importance of not just examining policy on regulation, but also user response to see how users contribute to and potentially influence the regulatory process.

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Opposing Regulatory Annexation Through the #SayNoToSocialMediaBill Corpus: The Struggle for Digital Freedom

  • Vincent Obia

摘要

In this chapter, I analyse TwitterTwitterdiscourseTwitter discourse surrounding the regulation of social mediasocial media in NigeriaNigeria. It follows the discussion in Chaps. 2 and 3 , which considered the policy and politics components of social media regulation. This chapter goes on to examine the response of social media users based on the opposition component of my methodology. The discussion here relates to the concept of the Nigerian Twittersphere and why Twitter (now X) was used as the tool of opposition in the first place, an area that research already addresses (see Obia, New Media & Society, 27(1), 151–167, 2025). This chapter moves the conversation forward by considering how Nigerian Twitter users opposed, through activist means, the regulation of social media in their strugglestruggle for digital freedomdigital freedom. Figures from 2021 show that Twitter users in Nigeria numbered up to 3 million people (Okpi, Forty million Twitter users in Nigeria? How pollster’s flawed figure became fact, 2021). I compare this with 2022 figures, which indicate that active social media users in Nigeria comprised 32.9 million people, (Sasu, Total number of active social media users in Nigeria from 2017 to 2022, 2022), with Twitter occupying fifth position—the most used platforms were WhatsApp, Facebook, Instagram, and Facebook Messenger in that order (Sasu, Most used social media platform in Nigeria as of the 3rd quarter of 2021, 2022). But Twitter plays an outsized role in political and activist discourses in Nigeria, especially in the pre-Musk era (Obia, New Media & Society, 27(1), 151–167, 2025). This informed my choice of Twitter as the platform through which to study the discourse of opposition to social media regulation in Nigeria. To do this, I draw from corpus linguistics and the sociocognitive approach to critical discourse analysis developed by van Dijk (Methods for critical discourse analysis (3rd ed., pp. 62–85). Sage, 2015) to argue that TwitterTwitter users performed opposition by deploying divisional (us-vs-them) frames, representing anyone viewed as sympathetic towards regulation through the lens of negative other-representation. This is contrasted with the positive self-representation of the hashtag users of themselves, and the chapter shows how these frames are deployed as part of the broader discourse of opposition and resistance. Hence, I analyse tweets posted under the #SayNoToSocialMediaBill corpus. The corpus is further divided into two sub-corpora: pre-EndSARS and post-EndSARS, underscoring how much of an influence #EndSARS#EndSARS had as a contextual communicative event. It underscores the importance of not just examining policy on regulation, but also user response to see how users contribute to and potentially influence the regulatory process.