Past research on several modern Indo-European languages has noted a relationship between the semantics of causal clauses and the coordinate or subordinate status of the causal clause (e.g. Günthner, 1993, Evers-Vermeul et al., 2011). It has been observed that clauses which express a causal relation between states-of-affairs (also called objective or propositional meaning) coincide with subordinate syntax, while clauses which express a speaker-oriented causal relation (also called illocutionary or procedural meaning) are syntactically coordinate. Diachronically, a causal conjunction which heads subordinate clauses with state-of-affairs semantics can develop a speaker-oriented interpretation and head clauses with coordinate syntax. Subjectification (e.g. Traugott, 1995a, 1995b, 2010) has been proposed as the pressure driving this change in which state-of-affairs relations are reinterpreted as speaker-oriented relations, leading to a syntactic reanalysis from subordination to coordination. This same distribution of semantics and syntax has also been observed in Classical and Modern Hebrew (e.g. Claassen, 1983, Glinert, 1989:337–338; Bliboim, 2003, 2013). This paper examines the phenomenon in the usage of ki as a causal conjunction throughout the history of Hebrew, which has both state-of-affairs readings with subordinate syntax and speaker-oriented readings with coordinate syntax. Based on examples from various stages of Hebrew and possible bridging contexts, it is argued that subjectification played an important role in the development of speaker-oriented semantics and coordinate syntax. More specifically, subjectification contributed to a syntactic change in the history of the Hebrew causal conjunction ki in which the causal clause headed by ki was able to occur either before or after the main clause in pre-Modern Hebrew, but in Modern Hebrew is only able to occur after the main clause. This process involved a development in the usage of ki along the coordination-subordination continuum in which its pre-modern functions could be used along the continuum as reflected in its ability to occur before and after the main clause, but its Modern usage is restricted to position after the main clause which corresponds to uses at the poles of the continuum. From a theoretical perspective, the fact that this diachronic path can be perceived throughout the periods of Hebrew, a language with one of the most complex developmental histories, demonstrates the robustness of subjectification and the ability to construct diachronic maps from synchronic data.