Substantive Representation of Women in African Politics: Issues and Debates

Shim (2022) notes that the percentage of women serving in political offices has long piqued the curiosity of political scientists who study gender relations. Despite making up slightly more than 50% of the global population, women hold less than 40% of elected political positions on average. As a result, there have been calls for action to raise the proportion of women in national parliaments based on the need for justice and the assertion that increasing women’s numbers in political offices will significantly alter the procedures and results of decision-making. There has been contention on whether women in parliaments need to reach a ‘critical mass’ to effect meaningful change in the political system. This contention is predicated on the assumption that the presence of female politicians in parliaments will significantly impact political decision-making creating what (Phillips 1995) term the ‘politics of presence’. Women politicians are perceived as not only “standing as” women but also “acting for” women as a group once elected (Lovenduski and Norris 2003; Pitkin 1967). In these arguments, both the messenger and the message are valued (Catt 2003). The assumption that the presence of women in politics can trigger political transformation is part of the discourse on fostering substantive women’s representation (Olaitan and Isike 2024). Substantive representation of women is complicated by the awareness that women are by no means a homogenous group and each female lawmaker has varying cross-cutting identity traits that influence her worldview (Grey 2006). Regardless of this reservation, it is crucial to determine the extent to which a critical mass of women can trigger substantive representation and how well they can represent women, and what part numbers play in empowering politicians to speak for and on behalf of women.