Towards a Theory of Anaphoric Binding in Event Semantics

Scope and (anaphoric) binding are tough problems for event semantics. Unlike the former, the latter has not even been attempted, it seems. The present paper makes an attempt and reports on the ongoing work, in the context of polynomial event semantics. Polynomial event semantics is a variable-free dialect of Neo-Davidsonian event semantics originally developed as a new approach to (quantifier) scope. Extended to relative clauses, it had to face traces, which is a form of anaphora. The present paper extends the mechanism proposed for traces to (nominal) pronouns. The same mechanism happens to also apply to discourse referents. Anaphoric binding becomes oddly symmetric. Also comes to light is a close analogy of indefinites and unbound pronouns.