<p>Past research has shown that short-term exposure to speech carrying certain acoustic statistics transfers robustly to speech production. However,&#xa0;all studies reporting such transfer have used auditory repetition tasks.&#xa0;Therefore,&#xa0;it is unclear whether perception-production transfer in the acoustic-phonetic domain extends to tasks without an auditory model to probe production.&#xa0;We answer this question in two&#xa0;experiments. Experiment 1 shows that people read&#xa0;aloud&#xa0;the words BEER and PEER differently after exposure to auditory samples of “beer” and “peer”&#xa0;drawn from a distribution of standard American English versus a distribution of slightly accented speech. Experiments&#xa0;2A&#xa0;and 2B&#xa0;replicate this finding and show generalization to reading&#xa0;a&#xa0;new word&#xa0;pair (BEACH/PEACH) and a new nonword pair (BEETH/PEETH).&#xa0;Collectively, these results&#xa0;demonstrate&#xa0;that the perception-production transfer in the acoustic-phonetic domain extends beyond auditory repetition tasks to production tasks without an explicit auditory model, and that this transfer generalizes to new syllables.</p>

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Transfer of statistical learning from speech perception to production generalizes to reading

  • Kyle D. Huffaker,
  • Lori L. Holt,
  • Nazbanou Nozari

摘要

Past research has shown that short-term exposure to speech carrying certain acoustic statistics transfers robustly to speech production. However, all studies reporting such transfer have used auditory repetition tasks. Therefore, it is unclear whether perception-production transfer in the acoustic-phonetic domain extends to tasks without an auditory model to probe production. We answer this question in two experiments. Experiment 1 shows that people read aloud the words BEER and PEER differently after exposure to auditory samples of “beer” and “peer” drawn from a distribution of standard American English versus a distribution of slightly accented speech. Experiments 2A and 2B replicate this finding and show generalization to reading a new word pair (BEACH/PEACH) and a new nonword pair (BEETH/PEETH). Collectively, these results demonstrate that the perception-production transfer in the acoustic-phonetic domain extends beyond auditory repetition tasks to production tasks without an explicit auditory model, and that this transfer generalizes to new syllables.