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The role of variation in phonological and semantic working memory capacities in sentence comprehension: neural evidence from healthy and brain-damaged individuals

  • Randi C. Martin,
  • Qiuhai Yue,
  • Rachel Zahn,
  • Yu Lu

摘要

Research on the role of working memory (WM) in language processing has typically focused on WM for phonological information. However, considerable behavioral evidence supports the existence of a separate semantic WM system that plays a greater role in language processing. We review the neural evidence that supports the distinction between phonological and semantic WM capacities and discuss how individual differences in these capacities relate to sentence processing. In terms of neural substrates, findings from multivariate functional MRI for healthy participants and voxel-based lesion-symptom mapping for brain-damaged participants imply that the left supramarginal gyrus supports phonological WM, whereas the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) and angular gyrus support semantic WM. In sentence comprehension, individual variation in semantic but not phonological WM related to performance in resolving semantic information and the LIFG region implicated in semantic WM showed fMRI activation during the resolution of semantic interference. Moreover, variation for brain-damaged participants in the integrity of a fiber tract supporting semantic WM had a greater relation to the processing of complex sentences than did the integrity of fiber tracts supporting phonological WM. Overall, the neural findings provide converging evidence regarding the distinction of these two capacities and the greater contribution of individual differences in semantic than phonological WM capacity to sentence processing.