<p>The UK’s China policy experienced considerable fluctuations during the 14&#xa0;years of the Conservative rule between 2010 and 2024, culminating in the gradual decline of the ‘golden era’ of UK-China relations. This article examines the impact of international and domestic pressures on the Boris Johnson cabinet’s radical change in its China policy after Brexit. Our research indicates that systemic and sub-systemic pressures from the US (international pressure) were more influential than parliamentary pressure (domestic pressure) in shaping the Johnson cabinet’s China policy. However, the Johnson cabinet did not always align with the US on all China-related issues, maintaining some autonomy, particularly on policies regarding Xinjiang and Hong Kong. Although assertive China hawks in parliament constrained the Johnson cabinet’s flexibility in managing Sino-British relations, they did not dominate the foreign policymaking process concerning China, nor did they play a decisive role in altering the Johnson cabinet’s specific policies on key China-related issues.</p>

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The radical change in the UK’s China policy in the post-Brexit era: from economic opportunism to ideological confrontation

  • Ruike Xu,
  • Ruiping Wang

摘要

The UK’s China policy experienced considerable fluctuations during the 14 years of the Conservative rule between 2010 and 2024, culminating in the gradual decline of the ‘golden era’ of UK-China relations. This article examines the impact of international and domestic pressures on the Boris Johnson cabinet’s radical change in its China policy after Brexit. Our research indicates that systemic and sub-systemic pressures from the US (international pressure) were more influential than parliamentary pressure (domestic pressure) in shaping the Johnson cabinet’s China policy. However, the Johnson cabinet did not always align with the US on all China-related issues, maintaining some autonomy, particularly on policies regarding Xinjiang and Hong Kong. Although assertive China hawks in parliament constrained the Johnson cabinet’s flexibility in managing Sino-British relations, they did not dominate the foreign policymaking process concerning China, nor did they play a decisive role in altering the Johnson cabinet’s specific policies on key China-related issues.