<p>Crosslinguistically, sentences with <i>wh-</i>dependencies across the boundary of a definite depiction nominal object are degraded. We consider two accounts – DP phasehood and the Specificity Condition – which make different predictions about definite islands in <i>wh-</i>movement and <i>wh-in-situ</i> languages, especially around whether the choice of main verb can neutralize the definite island effect. We tested these predictions with parallel experiments for English (<i>wh-</i>movement) and Mandarin Chinese (<i>wh-in-situ</i>). Confirming existing reports, we observed that both languages show a definite island effect. Additionally, in English, but not Chinese, there is a neutralization effect related to the choice of main verb. However, the effect is only partial, contrary to previous claims. A combination of the PIC and the Specificity Condition accounts for both languages, even though it would be more parsimonious to have only one constraint. To support this conclusion, we ran a third experiment on Chinese <i>wh-</i>indefinites to provide independent evidence for the Specificity Condition.</p>

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The role of phases and specificity in definite islands

  • Zheng Shen,
  • Nick Huang

摘要

Crosslinguistically, sentences with wh-dependencies across the boundary of a definite depiction nominal object are degraded. We consider two accounts – DP phasehood and the Specificity Condition – which make different predictions about definite islands in wh-movement and wh-in-situ languages, especially around whether the choice of main verb can neutralize the definite island effect. We tested these predictions with parallel experiments for English (wh-movement) and Mandarin Chinese (wh-in-situ). Confirming existing reports, we observed that both languages show a definite island effect. Additionally, in English, but not Chinese, there is a neutralization effect related to the choice of main verb. However, the effect is only partial, contrary to previous claims. A combination of the PIC and the Specificity Condition accounts for both languages, even though it would be more parsimonious to have only one constraint. To support this conclusion, we ran a third experiment on Chinese wh-indefinites to provide independent evidence for the Specificity Condition.