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<p>In this paper, we make two main claims: (i) we claim that a proposed prefix-suffix asymmetry (the absence of dominant prefixes in bi-directional dominant-recessive vowel harmony systems) is in fact a special case of a broader generalization that should be stated in hierarchical terms (domains), not linear order (prefixes), (ii) we contend moreover that the relevant domains are best defined in morphosyntactic terms (the juncture between Aspect and Tense, cf. “phases”) rather than in morphophonological terms (the “stem” of Stratal OT and other work). We offer an account under a slight modification of an existing constraint-based cyclic approach to Vowel Harmony (Kiparsky <CitationRef CitationID="CR46">2024</CitationRef>) and compare this to a rule-based (feature-filling) implementation of the Cyclic Spell-Out of morphosyntactic structure.</p>

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Dominant domains in vowel harmony: A structural approach to a linear asymmetry

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  • 发表日期：

    2025年5月29日

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  • Paula Fenger,
  • Maria Kouneli,
  • Jonathan David Bobaljik

摘要

In this paper, we make two main claims: (i) we claim that a proposed prefix-suffix asymmetry (the absence of dominant prefixes in bi-directional dominant-recessive vowel harmony systems) is in fact a special case of a broader generalization that should be stated in hierarchical terms (domains), not linear order (prefixes), (ii) we contend moreover that the relevant domains are best defined in morphosyntactic terms (the juncture between Aspect and Tense, cf. “phases”) rather than in morphophonological terms (the “stem” of Stratal OT and other work). We offer an account under a slight modification of an existing constraint-based cyclic approach to Vowel Harmony (Kiparsky 2024) and compare this to a rule-based (feature-filling) implementation of the Cyclic Spell-Out of morphosyntactic structure.