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<p>Tonal neutralization—a drastic merger of contrastive tones—in the Chinese language has been canonically viewed as the loss of the entire tone. However, this perspective is questionable in light of current feature-geometry theories of tonal representation within Generative Phonology. This article introduces the Feature Attrition Hypothesis, which posits that tonal neutralization involves the loss of specific features rather than the whole tone, thereby predicting a broad range of potential neutralization patterns. Empirical evidence for basic patterns is drawn from the dialects of <i>Leiyang</i>, <i>Kaijian</i>, <i>Raoyang</i>, <i>Xiamen</i>, and <i>Chaoyang</i>, while the coexistence of multiple neutralization patterns is observed in <i>Jiangxiang</i>. This hypothesis provides a more nuanced understanding of tonal neutralization processes and their diverse manifestations across Chinese dialects, contributing insights into the theory of tonal structure.</p>

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Feature attrition and tonal neutralization patterns across Chinese dialects

  • 期刊论文

  • 发表日期：

    2026年2月27日

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  • Jinpang Song

摘要

Tonal neutralization—a drastic merger of contrastive tones—in the Chinese language has been canonically viewed as the loss of the entire tone. However, this perspective is questionable in light of current feature-geometry theories of tonal representation within Generative Phonology. This article introduces the Feature Attrition Hypothesis, which posits that tonal neutralization involves the loss of specific features rather than the whole tone, thereby predicting a broad range of potential neutralization patterns. Empirical evidence for basic patterns is drawn from the dialects of Leiyang, Kaijian, Raoyang, Xiamen, and Chaoyang, while the coexistence of multiple neutralization patterns is observed in Jiangxiang. This hypothesis provides a more nuanced understanding of tonal neutralization processes and their diverse manifestations across Chinese dialects, contributing insights into the theory of tonal structure.